Concerns about AI and democracy, and particularly elections, are warranted. The use of AI can perpetuate and amplify existing social inequalities or reduce the diversity of perspectives individuals are exposed to. The harassment and abuse of female politicians with the help of AI is deplorable. And the perception, partially co-created by media coverage, that AI has significant effects could itself be enough to diminish trust in democratic processes and sources of reliable information, and weaken the acceptance of election results. None of this is good for democracy and elections.
However, these points should not make us lose sight of threats to democracy and elections that have nothing to do with technology: mass voter disenfranchisement; intimidation of election officials, candidates, and voters; attacks on journalists and politicians; the hollowing out of checks and balances; politicians peddling falsehoods; and various forms of state oppression (including restrictions on freedom of speech, press freedom and the right to protest).
Of at least 73 countries holding elections this year, only 47 are classified as full (or at least flawed) democracies, according to Our World in Data/Economist Democracy Index, with the rest being hybrid or authoritarian regimes. In countries where elections are not even free or fair, and where political choice that leads to real change is an illusion, people have arguably bigger fish to fry.
And still, technology—including AI—often becomes a convenient scapegoat, singled out by politicians and public intellectuals as one of the major ills befalling democratic life. Earlier this year, Swiss president Viola Amherd warned at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, that “advances in artificial intelligence allow … false information to seem ever more credible” and present a threat to trust. Pope Francis, too, warned that fake news could be legitimized through AI. US Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco said that AI could supercharge mis- and disinformation and incite violence at elections. This August, the mayor of London, Sadiq Kahn, called for a review of the UK’s Online Safety Act after far-right riots across the country, arguing that “the way the algorithms work, the way that misinformation can spread very quickly and disinformation … that’s a cause to be concerned. We’ve seen a direct consequence of this.”
The motivations to blame technology are plenty and not necessarily irrational. For some politicians, it can be easier to point fingers at AI than to face scrutiny or commit to improving democratic institutions that could hold them accountable. For others, attempting to “fix the technology” can seem more appealing than addressing some of the fundamental issues that threaten democratic life. Wanting to speak to the zeitgeist might play a role, too.
Yet we should remember that there’s a cost to overreaction based on ill-founded assumptions, especially when other critical issues go unaddressed. Overly alarmist narratives about AI’s presumed effects on democracy risk fueling distrust and sowing confusion among the public—potentially further eroding already low levels of trust in reliable news and institutions in many countries. One point often raised in the context of these discussions is the need for facts. People argue that we cannot have democracy without facts and a shared reality. That is true. But we cannot bang on about needing a discussion rooted in facts when evidence against the narrative of AI turbocharging democratic and electoral doom is all too easily dismissed. Democracy is under threat, but our obsession with AI’s supposed impact is unlikely to make things better—and could even make them worse when it leads us to focus solely on the shiny new thing while distracting us from the more lasting problems that imperil democracies around the world.
Felix M. Simon is a research fellow in AI and News at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism; Keegan McBride is an assistant professor in AI, government, and policy at the Oxford Internet Institute; Sacha Altay is a research fellow in the department of political science at the University of Zurich.
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